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What to Read in Indian Express for UPSC Exam

29Sep
2022

In season of festivals, Govt extends free grain scheme by 3 months (Page no. 5) (GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)

Days ahead of the declaration of the schedule for Assembly polls in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, the government on Wednesday announced it has decided to extend its free foodgrains scheme — Pradhan Mantri-GaribKalyan Anna Yojana (PM-GKAY) — for three more months until December-end. The scheme was to end on September 30.

Under PM-GKAY, beneficiaries of the National Food Security Act, 2013, are entitled to 5 kg foodgrains per person in a month, over and above their entitlement under the Act.

Briefing media persons after a Cabinet meeting, Union Minister of Information and Broadcasting Anurag Thakur said 122 Lakh Metric Tonnes (LMT) of foodgrains will be distributed during October-December, and this will entail a subsidy expenditure of Rs 44,762 crore.

The decision would ensure that poor and vulnerable sections of society are supported during the forthcoming major festivals.

Sharing details of the PM-GKAY scheme so far, Thakur said the government has spent about Rs 3.45 Lakh crore up to the sixth phase of the PM-GKAY.

With the additional spend of about Rs 44,762 crore in the seventh phase (October-December 2022), the overall expenditure on the scheme will touch Rs 3.91 lakh crore, he said. Over 25 months since its launch in 2020, the total foodgrains allocation including the seventh phase will be around 1,121 LMT.

The PM-GKAY was one of the components of the government’s Rs 1.7 lakh crore Covid-19 relief package announced by Union Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on March 26, 2020—two days after the country went into national lockdown.

Initially, the scheme was for only for three months – April-June 2020. On July 8, 2020, it was extended for another five months till November 2020.

When the devastating second wave of Covid-19 hit in March-April 2021, the government restarted the scheme. The third phase was approved for May-June 2021. It was extended for another five months July-November 2021, and then again till March 2022, a decision widely believed to be influenced given Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh and Punjab. After elections, it was again extended on March 26 this year – this was the sixth phase from April-September 2022.

In Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh – where elections are due in November-December – the ratio of people covered under the NFSA is lower than the national ratio. Unlike the national population coverage of 67.5 per cent under the NFSA, in Gujarat only 63.40 per cent of its 6.03 crore population is covered under the NFSA, and its lower in Himachal Pradesh at 53.69 per cent of its 68.57 lakh population.

As per the details available with the Food Corporation of India (FCI), wheat stock in the central pool was 248.22 LMT as on September 1, 2022, which is 18.23 million lower than the wheat stock (266.45 LMT) on August 1 this year.

The rice stock in the central pool stood at 244.63 LMT on September 1 this year. However, this was separate from unmilled paddy (161.60 LMT). Under PM-GKAY, a total monthly quantity of 39.88 LMT foodgrains – 7 LMT wheat and 32.88 LMT rice – is allocated, sources said.

 

Centre bans PFI, affiliates for 5 years, says major threat to internal security (Page no. 5)

(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)

Days after law enforcement agencies launched a nationwide crackdown against the Popular Front of India, the Centre Wednesday banned the PFI and its affiliates for five years.

Invoking the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act to effect the ban, the Ministry of Home Affairs said the PFI and its affiliates are linked to terror groups like the ISIS, propagate “anti-national sentiments… radicalise a particular section of society with the intention to create disaffection” and constitute a “major threat to internal security of the country”.

Saying it was “necessary to curb the nefarious activities” of the organisation, the MHA declared the PFI an “unlawful association” along with “its associates or affiliates or fronts including Rehab India Foundation (RIF), Campus Front of India (CFI), All India Imams Council (AIIC), National Confederation of Human Rights Organisation (NCHRO), National Women’s Front, Junior Front, Empower India Foundation and Rehab Foundation, Kerala”.

PFI Kerala general secretary A Abdul Sattar said, “As law-abiding citizens of the country, we accept the decision of the Home Ministry.’’

It (PFI) also informs all its former members and the general public that the Popular Front of India has been disbanded. All members of the Popular Front of India are requested to cease their activities.

The CFI, the student wing of the PFI, called the ban “undemocratic” and said the charges against it were “baseless and fabricated” and it would challenge the ban in court.

In a statement, the CFI asked students not to conduct any programme or activity in the name of the organisation.

The MHA said that some of the PFI’s founding members are leaders of the SIMI and the PFI also has linkages with Jamaat-ul-Mujahideen Bangladesh (JMB), both of which are proscribed organisations.

There had been a number of instances of international linkages of PFI with Global Terrorist Groups like Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS).

The PFI and its associates or affiliates or fronts have been working covertly to increase radicalisation of one community by promoting a sense of insecurity in the country, which is substantiated by the fact that the some PFI cadres have joined international terrorist organisations.

The MHA said, “Rehab India Foundation collects funds through PFI members and some of the members of the PFI are also members of CFI, EIF, Rehab Foundation, Kerala, and the activities of Junior Front, All India Imams Council, National Confederation of Human Rights Organisation (NCHRO) and National Women’s Front are monitored/coordinated by the PFI leaders.”

“The PFI and its associates or affiliates or fronts operate openly as socio-economic, educational and political organisations but they have been pursuing a secret agenda to radicalise a particular section of the society, working towards undermining the concept of democracy, and show sheer disrespect towards the constitutional authority and constitutional set-up of the country.

 

Lt Gen Anil Chauhan, former Army Commander, is new CDS (Page no. 5)

(GS Paper 3, Defence)

More than nine months after the death in a helicopter crash of the country’s first Chief of Defence Staff, General BipinRawat (retired), the Government announced Wednesday it was appointing Lt General Anil Chauhan (retired) as the new CDS.

A statement from the Ministry of Defence said Chauhan “shall also function as Secretary to Government of India, Department of Military Affairs, with effect from the date of his assumption of charge and until further orders”.

The announcement sets at rest speculation on the future of the post triggered by the long delay in filling the vacancy. This is the first instance in the country’s military of a retired officer returning after a period of time to uniform to serve as its most senior officer. Chauhan retired in May 2021. Rawat took over as CDS the day after his retirement as Army Chief.

According to the Ministry, in a career spanning nearly 40 years, Chauhan has held several command, staff and instrumental appointments with extensive experience in counter-insurgency operations in J&K and the Northeast.

Born on May 18, 1961, in Uttarakhand, Chauhan was commissioned into the 11 Gorkha Rifles in 1981. He is an alumnus of the National Defence Academy and Indian Military Academy. His predecessor, Rawat, was also from 11 Gorkhas.

In the rank of Maj General, the officer had commanded an Infantry Division in the critical Baramulla sector in the Northern Command. Later as Lt General, he commanded a corps in the North East and subsequently went to become the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Eastern Command from September 2019 and held the charge until his retirement from the service in May 2021.

According to the Ministry, in addition to holding these command positions, Chauhan also held important staff appointments, including the charge of Director General of Military Operations.

Earlier, the officer had also served on a United Nations mission to Angola. The officer superannuated from the Indian Army on 31 May 2021. Even after his retirement from the Army, he continued to contribute to national security and strategic matters.

After his retirement, Chauhan joined the National Security Council Secretariat as Military Advisor, replacing Lt Gen Vinod G Khandare who stepped down from the post in October 2021.

Chauhan’s appointment comes over three months after the Government amended rules for appointment to the post of CDS. In June, the amended service rules of the armed forces made all serving and recently retired three-star officers — Lt General, Air Marshal and Vice Admiral — under the age of 62 eligible for the post.

The amendment rendered the then frontrunner for the post, retired Army Chief M MNaravane, ineligible for the post as service chiefs retire after attaining the age of 62.

 

Express Network

ASI reports Ajanta-era Buddhist caves, other remains in tiger reserve (Page no. 6)

(GS Paper 1, Art and Culture)

The Archaeological Survey of India (ASI) has reported 26 Buddhist caves in Madhya Pradesh’s Bandhavgarh Tiger Reserve following an exploration exercise between May and June this year.

The exploration was conducted by ASI’s Jabalpur circle under the direction of its superintending archaeologist ShivakantBajpai.

Pointing out that “remarkable archaeological remains came to light” during the exploration, ASI officials told the media that the caves date back to the time between 2nd century BC and 5th century BC, and pertain to the Mahayana sect of Buddhism. They said the exploration was held in the region for the first time since 1938.

These findings would approximately date back to the same time as the Ajanta caves in Maharashtra, which are a UNESCO World Heritage Site.

Besides the caves, other remains of Mahayana sect, such as chaitya-shaped doors and cells containing stone beds, have also been reported.

The ASI team found a Buddhist pillar fragment containing miniature stupa carvings, dating back to the 2nd-3rd century AD. In all, 24 Brahmi inscriptions, dating from 2nd-5th century AD, have been reported, it was informed.

The exploration exercise also reported Gupta period remains such as door jambs, besides 26 ancient temples/remains of Kalachuri period (9th-11th century AD). Forty-six sculptures and 19 waterbodies have also been excavated, all built between the 2nd and 15th century, ASI officials said.

According to officials, places named as Kaushami, Mathura, Pavata (Parvata), Vejabharada and Sapatanaairikaaare mentioned in the inscriptions found; important kings of the era mentioned in the inscriptions include Shri Bhimsena, Maharaja Pothasiri and Bhattadeva.

The excavation covered nearly 170 sq km. Stating that the scope for exploration is “very limited”, given that it’s in a tiger reserve under the state Forest Department’s purview, officials said an MoU will have to be signed with the Forest Department if any conservation or restoration exercise is to be undertaken.

 

Editorial Page

Rediscovery of the south (Page no. 14)

(GS Paper 2, International Relations)

Caught between an existential East-West conflict of major powers, and dealing with the crisis of multilateralism, the slowing down of the major economies and a global impasse on the eve of taking charge of the presidency of the Group of Twenty (G-20), India has wisely rediscovered the South. India is being perceived as the “Voice of Global South”, declared external affairs minister S Jaishankar, after a hectic week at the United Nations.

Asked if India was taking the dust off an earlier foreign policy template of South-South cooperation, the minister replied, “Global South solidarity has always been with us, it’s part of our DNA.”

The fact, however, is that over the past two decades India has been busy claiming “rising”, “leading” and major power status, with its impressive economic rise between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s.

Interestingly, still fighting shy of admitting to our low middle income “developing country” status we have adopted the now fashionable term of the aspirational Third World — “Global South”.

Consider the fact that India has been largely inactive in what many in the Indian foreign policy commentariat regard as a moribund organisation, the Group of 77 (G-77) — now a 134-member group of developing economies.

India last hosted a G-77 meeting in New Delhi in the 1980s. Pakistan has been more active within this group and currently chairs it. India, on the other hand, was busy hobnobbing with the big guys in forums like “G-7 plus”, BRICS, SCO and trilaterals and quadrilaterals like Quad, Japan-America-India (JAI), Russia-India-China (RIC), and so on.

Several factors seem to have contributed to a change in Indian official outlook. First and foremost, the persistent unwillingness of the Big Five (the US, Russia, China, France and UK) to reform UN governance and let India into the UN Security Council, despite occasional endorsement of India’s claims. Second, Western deglobalisation and disinterest in reform of multilateral financial and trade organisations (IMF, WB & WTO).

Third, failure on the part of the US, EU, China and Japan to address the problem of mounting external debt burden of developing countries. Fourth, the impasse on climate change. Finally, the unleashing of an East-West power struggle, brought to a head by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, imposing huge costs on developing economies.

In the early days of the East-West conflict, many analysts imagined that India could step in as an interlocutor, given its good relations with both Russia and the US, help secure a ceasefire and emerge as a global player, fulfilling prophesies of its potential as a “Swing State”.

 

Eye of the state (Page no. 14)

(GS Paper 2/3, Polity and Governance/Economy)

Over two decades ago, allegations of surveillance against politicians led to a CBI inquiry and report against V P Singh’s government.

The allegations revealed that imaginary reasons were given for ordering phone-tapping without authorisation. This led to the Supreme Court issuing the last substantive legal reform on surveillance laws in India.

The SC’s directions are likely to remain the last reforms, as the Union government has published the Draft Telecommunications Bill, 2022 to replace the Telegraph Act, 1885.

The Telegraph Act contains broad and excessive powers of interception and surveillance of communications carried out through any telegraph.

The surveillance power is principally contained under Section 5(2), and has resulted in an unaccountable, opaque and unconstitutional exercise of surveillance that has led to accusations across the political spectrum.

This same provision is being replicated today, almost to the word, under the proposed Clause 24(2) of the Telecommunications Bill, 2022.

Worse, the application of the power now clearly extends to “telecommunication services”, defined to include “over-the-top (OTT) communications services” that are usually internet-based text or audio-visual transmissions through providers such as Signal, Telegram, Whatsapp or Zoom.

Essentially, the privacy preserving technology of end-to-end encryption will be sought to be broken. This technology keeps messages private by preventing anyone other than the recipient from seeing them.

Even today, large amounts of metadata, including phone numbers and user profiles that include membership of groups and conversations (without their content) are available to law enforcement without any data protection or surveillance reform. Clause 24(2) will lead to greater surveillance by making even personal conversations over OTT communication services available to law enforcement agencies.

There are two additional powers which raise further concerns. First, the central government may, under Clauses 3 and 4, require licensing of “telecommunications services”.

The second is the power to prescribe standards under Clause 23, which may result in regulations as recently issued by the Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) that have resulted in the closure of servers or services by leading, global VPN providers such as Proton and TunnelBear.

 

Govt. and Politics

Jaishankar, Sullivan discuss bilateral ties, Indo-Pacific (Page no. 16)

(GS Paper 2, International Relations)

External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar held talks with US National Security Adviser Jake Sullivan during which they reviewed the progress in the US-India strategic partnership and exchanged views on global and regional issues, including approaches to advance a free, open, secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.

Jaishankar, who is on a four-day official trip to Washington, also discussed Ukraine conflict with Sullivan during their meeting at the White House on Tuesday.

In a readout, his office said that Sullivan and Jaishankar met “to review progress in the US-India strategic partnership and exchange views on global and regional priorities, including the implications of Russia’s aggression against Ukraine and its impact on food and energy insecurity around the world”.

It said they discussed “approaches to promoting debt sustainability and advancing a free, open, secure, and prosperous Indo-Pacific”. The US, India and several other world powers have been discussing the need to ensure a free, open and thriving Indo-Pacific in the backdrop of China’s rising military manoeuvring in the region.

China claims nearly all of the disputed South China Sea, though Taiwan, the Philippines, Brunei, Malaysia and Vietnam all claim parts of it. Beijing has built artificial islands and military installations in the South China Sea.

Jaishankar said that they discussed the Ukraine conflict and its repercussions, the Indo-Pacific situation, South Asia and the Gulf.

India has not yet condemned the Russian invasion of Ukraine and it has been maintaining that the crisis must be resolved through diplomacy and dialogue.

During a joint press conference with US Secretary of State Antony Blinken after holding bilateral talks, Jaishankar said India faced no difficulties in terms of servicing and spare parts supply of equipment that it received in the past from Russia in the aftermath of the war in Ukraine and asserted that it exercises a choice which it believes is in its national interest when it is offered weapons.

He was asked about India’s plans for military hardware and equipment given the sanctions that the US and others are putting on Russian industry and whether India will look at more purchases of American or Israeli military equipment.

Where we get our military equipment and platforms from, that’s not an issue, honestly, which is a new issue or an issue which has particularly changed because of geopolitical tensions.

Explained Page

 Appealing the PFI ban: How UAPA tribunal works (Page no. 24)

 (GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)

The Popular Front of India (PFI), declared an “unlawful association” under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA) by the Centre, will now have the option to present its case before a tribunal that must confirm the government notification for the ban to continue.

The UAPA provides for a tribunal under a High Court judge to be constituted by the government for its bans to have long-term legal sanctity.

Orders to declare an organisation as “unlawful” are issued by the Centre under Section 3 of the UAPA. The provision says that “no such notification shall have effect until the tribunal has, by an order made under Section 4, confirmed the declaration made therein and the order is published in the Official Gazette”.

Thus, a government order would not come into effect until the tribunal has confirmed it. However, in exceptional circumstances, the notification can come into effect immediately once the reasons for it are recording in writing. The tribunal can endorse or reject it.

According to Section 4 of the UAPA, after the Centre declares an organisation “unlawful”, its notification must reach the tribunal within 30 days to adjudicate “whether or not there is sufficient cause” for the move.

After this, the tribunal calls upon the association, by notice in writing, to show cause within 30 days why it should not be declared unlawful. Once this is done, the tribunal holds an inquiry and decides the matter within six months.

The tribunal consists of only one person, who has to be a High Court judge. If a vacancy (other than a temporary absence) occurs in the Tribunal, the Centre appoints another judge and the proceedings continue from the stage at which the vacancy is filled.

The Centre is to provide to the tribunal such staff as necessary for the discharge of its functions. All expenses incurred for a tribunal are borne out of the Consolidated Fund of India.

The tribunal has power to regulate its own procedure, including the place at which it holds its sittings. Thus, it can hold hearings in different states for allegations pertaining to those states.

To make inquiries, the tribunal has the same powers as vested in a civil court under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908.

 

Maharashtra’s Shiv Bhojan Thali (Page no. 24)

(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)

One of the most popular initiatives of the previous MahaVikasAghadi (MVA) government in Maharashtra was the Shiv Bhojan Thali, a form of subsidised meal scheme. With the new EknathShinde-led dispensation coming to power in the state, the scheme is under the scanner.

The scheme offered a full meal thali (plate) to people for Rs 10. The thali included two chapatis, vegetables, rice, and dal. In urban areas, the cost of the thali came to Rs 50, and in rural areas, the amount was Rs 35.

It was sold by canteens for Rs 10, with the government compensating the rest of the amount. Seen as the Uddav Thackeray government’s flagship scheme, the Shiv Bhojan Thali was launched on January 26, 2020, and on average, 1.4 lakh meals were served under it daily.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, the government had initially slashed the prices of the thali to Rs 5. Then from April 2021, the meal was given free of cost, with parcel services allowed too.

As the pandemic was brought under control and the lockdown was lifted in phases, the price was brought back to Rs 10 in October 2021.

Among the last few decisions of the MVA government was to increase the number of plates being served under this scheme across the state to 2 lakh, from the existing 1,88,463.

However, after the new government of Chief Minister EknathShinde and deputy Chief Minister DevendraFadnaviswas sworn in on June 30, all decisions taken by the previous dispensation were stayed and underwent scrutiny. The decision to increase the number of thalis was also kept in abeyance.

On Sunday (September 25), state Food and Civil Supplies minister RavindraChavan told The Indian Express that a comprehensive review of the implementation of the scheme was necessary.

Chavan had also said that the observations of the review would be placed in front of the state cabinet, which would decide on the future of the scheme.

 

What ban of PFI means (Page no. 24)

(GS Paper 2, Polity and Governance)

The central government has announced a ban on the Popular Front of India (PFI), the organisation whose leaders and offices were raided by the National Investigation Agency (NIA) and the Enforcement Directorate (ED) in states across the country on September 22.

A second nationwide crackdown followed on September 27, during which police in seven states detained or arrested over 270 people with alleged links to the PFI.

Following these actions, which were based on allegations that members of the PFI are involved in organising terrorism camps and encouraging Muslim youth to join terror activities, it was widely expected that a ban on the organisation under anti-terrorism laws could follow.

The notification issued by the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) imposed a ban on the PFI and its associate organisations, including the Rehab India Foundation (RIF) and Campus Front of India, for five years under The Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), 1967.

The notification gave a number of reasons, including that “the PFI and its associates or affiliates or fronts operate openly as socio-economic, educational and political organization but, they have been pursuing a secret agenda to radicalize a particular section of the society working towards undermining the concept of democracy and show sheer disrespect towards the constitutional authority and constitutional set up of the country”.

It also said that “the PFI and its associates or affiliates or fronts have been indulging in unlawful activities, which are prejudicial to the integrity, sovereignty and security of the country and have the potential of disturbing public peace and communal harmony of the country and supporting militancy in the country”.

Therefore, the notification said, the central government had decided to declare the PFI and its various fronts as an “unlawful association” with “immediate effect”.

The UAPA, India’s main law against terrorism and terrorist activities, allows the government to declare an organisation an “unlawful association” or a “terrorist organisation”, which is often colloquially described as a “ban” on the organisations.

 

Economy

15 % retaliatory duties proposed on 22 items imported from UK (Page no. 25)

(GS Paper 2/3, International Relations/Economy)                           

India has proposed additional customs duties of 15 per cent on the import of 22 products, including whiskey, cheese and diesel engine parts, from the UK in retaliation to Britain’s decision to impose restrictions on steel products.

In a communication to the World Trade Organisation (WTO), India said it is estimated that the safeguard measures taken by the UK on steel products have resulted in the decline of exports to the tune of 2,19,000 tonnes on which the duty collection would be USD 247.7 million.

Accordingly, India’s proposed suspension of concessions would result in an equivalent amount of duty collected from products originating in the UK.

India hereby notifies the (WTO’s) Council for Trade in Goods of its decision to suspend concessions or other obligations under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade 1994 and the Agreement on Safeguards that are substantially equivalent to the amount of trade affected by the measures of the UK.

The other products include processed cheese, scotch, blended whiskey, gin, animal feed, liquified propane, some essential oils, beauty preparations, cosmetic and toilet preparations, unsorted diamonds, silver, platinum, semi-diesel engine parts, unwrought gold, turbo jets, and certain electric conductors.

India’s average imports of semi-manufactured silver from the UK stood at USD 412.68 million. The figure stood at USD 275.22 million for certain silver goods and USD 51.03 million for blended whiskey.

The communication also said that the proposed suspension of concessions would be in the form of an increase in duty on the selected products originating in the UK.

The suspension of concessions and other obligations will continue to apply until the safeguard measures of the UK are lifted,” it said, adding “India wishes to clarify that suspension of concessions will be equivalent to the amount of trade affected by the UKs’ measures”.

The measures imposed by the UK consist of tariff-rate quotas imposed on 15 steel product categories with an out-of-quota duty of 25 per cent.

Both the countries held consultations on August 5 virtually to discuss the extensions of the safeguard by the UK on certain steel products, originally applied by the European Union.

On September 1, India proposed to impose retaliatory customs duties under the WTO norms on about USD 250 million worth of goods imported from the UK if no agreement is reached on compensation in a case concerning the imposition of restrictions by Britain on steel products.